OnPoint by Keith Ng

139

Association of Community Retailers. Again.

In May 2010, Rory McKinnon and I broke the story that Glenn Inwood, a lobbyist for Japanese whaling, was running an astroturfing campaign for Imperial Tobacco in New Zealand. Inwood operated a group called the Association of Community Retailers, which claimed to represent small retailers, but was in fact bankrolled by Big Tobacco to fight tobacco regulation and taxes (among, ominously, other things).

Imperial Tobacco admitted to a Select Committee that they paid Inwood to do this, and this fact was widely reported.

We were mightily pleased with ourselves.

But the ACR continued to put out press releases as if nothing had happened. I thought Glenn Inwood was just doing it to save face. I mean, why would you continue to spend money on an organisation which was thoroughly exposed as a fake? It's not like our journalistic establishment would just *forget* that the press release supposedly from Murray of Murray's Barbershop and Beauty Salon in Timaru is actually from a professional PR company paid for by Big Tobacco.

Um, right? Guys?

Since our original story (and excluding those original stories on Inwood and Imperial Tobacco's admission), 36 stories were published in mainstream media which mentioned the ACR or one of its spokespersons.

8 of these were credited to NZPA. After writing about Imperial Tobacco's admission, they forgot about it a month later and started doing copy-paste jobs with ACR press releases. And when they didn't do copy-paste jobs, it was even worse. In this story, they took the ACR press release and went back to ACR for more comment so they could flesh out a 400-word story with no opposing voice, and no mention of ACR's backers.

Then, in September 2010, news broke that Australian Big Tobacco spent $6m on an astroturfing group called the Alliance of Australian Retailers. This reminded NZPA that the same thing happened here. The wording they used in that story was:

[the ACR] was also revealed to have received support from the tobacco industry.

On 3 November, it was watered down to:

The ACR has faced accusations of being a front for tobacco companies. It has said no tobacco company has a say in its public and political strategy of the ACR.

On 4 November:

There has been speculation about links between the ACR and the tobacco industry.

And then they were simply "retailers".

The confession became revelation, then accusation, then speculation, then nothing. The fact that Imperial Tobacco said they paid a PR company to run this group simply faded from NZPA's institutional memory and ceased to be fact. Though to be fair to the late NZPA, no other organisation even mentioned the Imperial Tobacco/Inwood link since the original story.

And that was the last time the Imperial Tobacco/Inwood link was mentioned. There's been 18 stories about the ACR since 4 November. For all intents and purposes, the ACR was once again a genuine grassroots group of community retailers.

Radio New Zealand needs to cop some flak too. Their bulletins desk also churned out 8 stories on the ACR during this period, 3 of them lifted straight out of ACR's press releases. (3 November 2010, 4 November 2010, 14 July 2011. These were RNZ Newswire stories, which are not available online.) Their saving grace was that they were short.

The most dishonourable mention goes to the Timaru Herald, which ran 6 ACR stories during this time. It's no coincidence that one of the ACR's founders, Murray Gibson, is based in Timaru. Gibson is often quoted in the Timaru Herald as a local tobacconist, even as he recites his ACR lines. It's not like they didn't know: They ran a story which was a lengthly denial from Gibson about the Imperial Tobacco links, after Imperial Tobacco's admissions.

It seems that the Timaru Herald made a conscious decision that Gibson and the ACR were okay; that Imperial Tobacco only paid Inwood to provide "support" and ACR was really an independent group representing retailers.

Seriously?

Inwood's firm is a PR firm. It's just not plausible that the "support" Imperial Tobacco is paying for is anything *but* PR. (Though Inwood does provide some literally above-and-beyond premium services.)

It's not plausible that this steady stream of press releases is written by someone who doesn't do it for a living. It's not plausible that Richard Green, Murray Gibson, Ashok Darji and Dipal Desai all have perfect grammar, write to 400-word word-limits in 50-word paragraphs, quote themselves in news style, and use the Oxford comma.

The words that comes out of the ACR are clearly written by a PR firm paid for by a tobacco company, for the purposes of fighting tobacco control laws for the benefit of that tobacco company.

To report their words as "retailers say" is fundamentally a lie.

It's not a coincidence that, just like in the rest of the world, the ACR main messages are that "tobacco control won't stop smoking" and "tobacco taxes = organised crime". It all comes from the same playbook.

And it's not a coincidence that they just happen to be in small towns. Using small town shopowners is a deliberate strategy that's been used in the UK, Australia and America. It allows them to easily build relationships with soft local media, which sets them up as good 'talent', which then allows them to go on national media (like TVNZ's Breakfast) as good honest country folk.

But TVNZ, if it makes you feel any better, the *BBC* does it too. Here is Debbie, talking to BBC Business about her tobacconist shop in Whitstable, a seaside town in Northeast Kent. Here is her Twitter feed, where she is self-described as:

Owner and manager of an independent family-owned shop. As well as running the business with my brother I campaign on small business-related issues.

And this is the homepage for the UK Tobacco Retailers Alliance. Look on the left, just below their Youtube channel. Debbie's Twitter feed *is* the TRA feed. She is basically TRA's avatar - and she has some serious PR juice. And who is TRA? No prizes for guessing:

The Tobacco Retailers Alliance is funded by the Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association (TMA) which means we can offer a free membership to all independent retailers who sell tobacco, and we campaign on issues of relevance to both their businesses and to the industry.

Unlike the ACR, they're pretty transparent about being wholly funded by Big Tobacco. Yet, even the BBC didn't bother to Google her name, or they made a decision similar to the Timaru Herald's.

The story was about the black market for tobacco - an issue that Big Tobacco push hard on. It's in their interest because a) smuggled cigarettes are a direct competition, b) it allows politicians to "do something" about tobacco, without hurting their profits, c) it lets them set up the story as organised-crime smugglers vs responsible corporate tobacco - and lets them be the good guy for once.

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When I first did this story, I was caught up with the subterfuge aspect (which, being honest, was way more fun than counting news clippings). We only had the story because Inwood used his own PO box for the ACR. Without it, they could tell whatever lies they wanted, and we couldn't have known - let alone prove - anything.

It seemed like quite a problem, the idea that so much of our news comes from groups which could be hiding all kinds of interests and agendas.

Turns out, the problem isn't "what are they hiding?", but "does anyone give a shit?".

What this has shown is that even when the agenda is Big Tobacco's, even when the connection is the second result on a Google search, even when their own organisation has reported on it, even when it's stated plainly on their website, even then, the PR industry can get their stories printed with no scrutiny.

It's a complete and utter rout.

You know, some of my best friends are journalists. And I like to think that they are the better ones. They always complain that they're under pressure and under-resourced, and that this sort of shit slips through the cracks.

I'm sure it's true, but here we are, at the point where our biggest news organisations run stories without spending 10 seconds on a Google search, or asking if something makes any goddamn sense.

If Richard Green says new laws will cost him $10k for shelves, they run it. If Richard Green says new laws will cost him $27k for shelves, they run it (RNZ newswire, 14 July 2011).

SHELVES.

How many of the facts reported in our media are this dodgy? And if there is so much that we can't trust - and we can't distinguish between what can and cannot be trusted - at what point should we simply give up?

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Man, this post took a LOT of work. If you think this sort of work is useful and valuable, please consider funding it. I've started a Givealittle page for the purpose.

965

Dear Labour Caucus

This isn't a test of the Davids. This is a test of you.

Let's face it, if Cunliffe didn't offer his supporters portfolios and positions, there wouldn't even be a contest. That's why this contest isn't about him - it's about the Labour caucus and the Labour Party, and whether it'll ever be able to rid itself of the entrenched interests of patronage and machine politics.

This is not new. Labour has been rewarding time-servers and party hacks over actual talent for as long as I can remember. The party list was the obvious focus of that, because that was main interface between the political machine which got people elected - the party - and the parliamentarians, and because during Helen's era, she dominated the caucus and so the horse-trading there were low-key affairs.

The problems at the list level and the caucus level aren't exactly the same, but they are deeply intertwined. They have the same basic cause: The system rewards self-promotion and factionalism (which is self-promotion + block voting). Those who gained their positions through that system then perpetuate it. And they have the same effect: The party and the caucus are stacked with time-servers and party hacks.

Although I'm an unabashed fan of Shearer, I didn't think of myself as anti-Cunliffe per se. But his leadership bid has come to embody the very things which have poisoned Labour.

Yeah, sure, Cunliffe is prepared for the leadership role right now. That's because he's been doing nothing but prepare himself for the leadership role for years. Where the hell was he - the Finance Spokesperson - when Goff was getting grilled over Labour's fiscals? It was his job to have the answer to those questions. I'm not sure if it was by design, or whether he was simply too busy campaigning for the leadership, but he wasn't there.

On election night, when Parker and Shearer quietly joined the grim gathering at Mt Albert, Cunliffe sent an advance fluffing party to the event. They loittered by the carpark, and when Cunliffe arrived, they - on cue - adoringly mobbed his car to create a set-piece for the gathered journalists.

There are a few questions that arise. The first and most salient is: Who the fuck *does* that? When Labour talks about re-engaging with New Zealand, is *this* what this mean? When Cunliffe's supporters talk about him being a great communicator and a master of "modern direct engagement methods", is this what they mean? Do they think people can't tell the difference between authentic engagement and lame political theatre? Can Labour?

And this is the punchline, dear Labour Caucus. If Labour is led by someone who has been tirelessly campaigning for himself at the expense of the party - if its frontbench is stacked with people who earned their positions purely as payment for someone else's political ambitions, in order to advance their own political ambitions - you can't expect it to be a party of talent, you can't expect it to be a party of values or integrity, and you can't expect anyone to believe in it.

184

Spending "Cap" is Fiscal Anorexia

So, part of National's coalition agreement with ACT is to put in a "spending cap":

..core Crown operating spending, excluding finance costs, spending on the unemployment benefit, asset impairments and spending on natural disasters, will be subject to a spending limit.

Under this limit expenditure will grow no faster than the annual increase in the rate of population growth multiplied by the rate of inflation.

My friend Chye-Ching Huang points me to her thinktank's (based in the US) paper on Colorado, which between 1992 and 2005 capped revenue to inflation plus change in population. i.e. Exactly what National-ACT have agreed to do. It runs through what a complete and utter clusterfuck the programme was, but I'm especially fond of this turd:

At one point, from April 2001 to October 2002, funding got so low that the state suspended its requirement that school children be fully vaccinated against diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis (whooping cough) because Colorado, unlike other states, could not afford to buy the vaccine.

This is a state with the same GDP per capita as Sweden, but which could not afford to vaccinate its children. That is perverted.

The formula is essentially fiscal anorexia:

"The [TABOR] formula... has an insidious effect where it shrinks government every year, year after year after year after year; it’s never small enough... That is not the best way to form public policy." - Brad Young, former Colorado state representative (R) and Chair of the Joint Budget Committee

But that's just the formula under normal circumstances. Through omission or ignorance, N-ACT's plan is much worse.

Remember the aging population? Treasury expects NZ Super costs to double in 10 years. The only way to lower this is to raise the retirement age/reduce entitlements very, very soon, or if we got rid of a lot of old people... somehow. Well, Key refuses to do the former, and we probably signed some stupid UN conventions against the latter. So, NZ Super costs are going to double. And if total government spending is capped, then where is the money going to come from?

Oh you know, education, health, stuff.

Putting this spending cap into Treasury's Fiscal Strategy Model, it shows that real per capita Core Crown expenditure (excluding NZ Super, finance costs, unemployment benefit, asset impairments and spending on natural disasters) will fall by 8.9% in 10 years.* To put that into perspective, that's roughly the Law & Order and Defence budgets combined, or a bit more than a third of the Health budget.

Check my numbers by all means, but with a budget that is explicitly fixed and exploding NZ Super costs, there's not much room for ambiguity. This is not a cap. It's not even a slow withering of the state. This is a substantive and perpetual cut.

How is it that Key can casually commit to this? Who the hell would swallow this satan-sandwich just to get John Banks in return?

This is the cynical part. He's doesn't actually have to swallow it. The law change will take place in two years, probably choosing the 2014 budget as the baseline, so there won't be any actual cuts till 2015, after the election. It probably won't be Key's problem by then, and possibly not National's. He even points out that future governments can abolish it if they want to. So, he's basically setting a completely unreasonable promise in place to force future governments to renege on it.

Also, Key is lying if he claims that Treasury supported the cap. Treasury supported *a* cap. The capping system that they recommended:

Consistent with the intent of the PFA, the level of the proposed cap would have been set by the current administration, rather than prescribed in a way that attempts to set the cap for future, yet-to-be-elected governments.

This is the very opposite of endorsing National-ACT's "one arbitrary cap, forever and ever, amen" approach. Governments do not get to dictate what future governments spend, even if it's all just a giant charade.

* Assumptions: Cap comes into force by 2014/15, population and economic growth tracks unchange, inflation at 2%. Before you say "but smaller government will macroeconomagically create growth", keep in mind that the cap is not pegged to growth, whereas NZS payments are, so higher growth will only make this cut deeper.

32

Brain Drain Et Cetera

So, after all that distracting talk about the Tea Tapes last week, I'm glad we've finally come back to serious, substantive discussion about New Zealand's Winston Policy. National and Labour have both persuasively laid out the case for their respective Winston manifestos, and I'm sure the credit ratings agencies will be monitoring the situation closely.

I've complained in the past that it's all too easy for our politicians to *say* that Winston is our nation's most precious resource, or that Winston is Our Future, or simply WINSTON WINSTON WINSTON WINSTON. But I take comfort in the fact that in this election, Key has truly taken WINSTON WINSTON WINSTON WINSTON to heart, and WINSTON WINSTON WINSTON.

Unfortunately, my Winston-based data visualisation technologies are not quite ready, though I'm close to proving quantum entanglement between Winston and Banks, which would explain how a cup of tea in Epsom can travel into Winston's mouth faster than the speed of a voice recording.

However, I've been working on a new map-based tool, and here's the first result: The Brain Grain! It uses migration data from StatsNZ to track the "brain drain", and provides granular breakdowns by age (by occupation and gender in the next version).

Actually, it's not granular at all. But grain rhymes with brain, and as the saying goes: "Rhyme is a perfectly good substitute for reason; something something lightly-season."

Ahem. But it's Actually Quite Good as a generic migration analysis tool.

And in case you missed it (possibly because I never posted it..), here is the visualisation of the Consumer Price Index I made for Mix and Mash.

That won the Infographic section, but I was also quite pleased with my other entry, the Super Modern Thompsontron 1952, inspired by Alasdair Thompson (SFW, I promise).

181

3 News Exclusive Investigation Newsflash: Government Not Profitable

Dear 3 News. You said:

A 3 News investigation into the student loan scheme has uncovered documents that show, if it was run as a business, it would be losing a billion dollars each year.

Critics are outraged and want it to become an election issue.

Let me ask you a question: If you ran an interest-free loan scheme as a business... what kind of business would it be? I don't claim to know more about economics than Don Brash, than Alasdair Thompson's replacement, than the head of NZIER - but seriously, if you fellas are outraged that a scheme offering free money is making a loss, then you are - as John Key might say - a monkey's uncle.

The simianly obvious point is that the student loan scheme is not run as a business because it's not a business. It has the social goal of making tertiary education more accessible. Sure, it's legitimate to ask whether it's achieving its goal, and it's legitimate to ask whether the goal is worth the cost,* but to be outraged simply because a government programme cost money, ignoring what that money buys, that's stupid.**

And let's look at this story. It's a 3 News "exclusive" "investigation", which obtained "confidential Treasury briefings" under the Official Information Act.

Though their thorough investigation, they found that the Student Loan Scheme costs money. It's hard to tell because they only mention rough numbers, but I expect that those figures came from the Budget Fiscal Strategy tables which breaks down the cost of the scheme.

That is to say, these exclusive confidential numbers are publicly accessible by anyone at anytime.

But you know what, this happens all the time and it isn't such a big deal. It's journalists thinking that they've done some badass journalisting because they used the OIA instead of Google. It's showboating, it's hyperbole, but it's not wrong.

But back to the story itself: Brook Sabin then goes on to interview Don Brash, Alisdair Thompson's replacement at the EMA, and the head of NZIER who has (in quite a reasonable fashion, BTW) been a vocal proponent of cutting the interest-free policy.

But what exactly does the EMA have to do with anything? The sum of their contribution to the story was:

The balance sheet is wonky and it needs addressing.

WHAT DOES THAT EVEN MEAN?!

So, Sabin does a story in support of a policy that only ACT supports. Then he interviews the head of a right-wing organisation, because.. what, he needed a competing right-wing view saying the exact same thing? All he got was a completely meaningless statement of support, which he included in his story anyway. And then he goes to a vocal proponent of this policy. And omits NZUSA, which would be an obvious port-of-call for this story. And Labour, whose policy this is. And the Greens, who have the student policies most diametrically opposed to ACT's.

Yes, he then gave 20 seconds to the Minister for Tertiary Ed, so it's not completely unbalanced - but that hardly makes it balanced.

This can't really be chalked up to an accident or a mistake. You can't accidentally forget NZUSA on a student loan story and - whoops, wrong office - end up talking to the EMA instead. You might be able to randomly pick a high-profile economist, and just happen to pick one that's vocally against interest-free student loans. That might happen, since we don't have that many economic consultancies. But the two together?

Maybe 3 News is partaking in crusading journalism, and they're consciously pimping this policy. But that's pretty unlikely.

The more likely scenario is that Sabin "owed" ACT for the story. For example, if Brash went and said: "Hey Brook, got a great tip. Can tell you exactly what to OIA if you promise to interview me and my pal for the story". In itself, that's not unusual. I don't think I'm out of line to say that this is common practice for political journalists. (And if I'm wrong, I'd like to know.)

Usually, these kinds of deals aren't as smelly as they sound because the journalist pushes back and go: "Yeah, I'll talk to the EMA, but I won't promise to run it; and at the very least, I will talk to NZUSA because otherwise I'll look like a goddamn tool." And politicians accept that, because the point of these deals is to get a story written about their policy, using a news hook that works in their favour. The point isn't to buy the whole story, because that makes everyone involved look like a tool.

And usually, a journalist can justify it because the tip they're getting is of genuine news value, and it's something they wouldn't have found otherwise.

Except in this case, the hot tip was for secret documents containing information that's been in every budget since 2005. 3 News got punk'd.

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If anyone from 3 News would like to respond to this, I will gladly publish your response verbatim on these pages.

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* Not all of the cost of the student loan scheme comes from the interest-free policy. A lot of it is from people who just don't pay it back.

According to the Student Loan Scheme Annual Report, of the people who left study in 1992, 12% have paid back nothing by 2009. Of people who left study in 2000, 30% have paid back nothing by 2009.

These people may have skipped the country (in which case they are already being charged interest under the current policy) or they may have no taxable income. Either way, charging them interest is simply going to mean they owe more money that they're not paying back.

** Or maybe they're simply outraged at the sum? It's an interest-free loan-book worth $12b with a high rate of non-payment. Why would any economically-literate person by surprised that it cost $1b a year?