OnPoint by Keith Ng

36

Peek-a-boo, I can't recall seeing you

If a man hides behind some hands - possibly his own - and an identical man emerges from those hands a few seconds later shouting "peek-a-boo!", how do you know if it's the same man? I mean, how do you REALLY know? Like truly, really, *KNOW* know?

You can't. It is unknowable.

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I think that if Banks can successfully deny the "thank you" call, then he can argue that he only solicited the donation, requested that the donation be split into anonymous $25k chunks, and received some anonymous donations in $25k chunks - but he had no way of knowing that the donation he got was the same donation that he solicited and was told he was going to get.

And therefore, they are anonymous donations and this is all technically not illegal.

And maybe it is.

But you know what? "Technically not illegal" is fine as a threshold for "not being thrown in jail", but it is not fine as a threshold for "fit to hold public office making and executing laws". This isn't even about holding politicians to higher ethical standards - it's about fundamental respect for their domain: the public and the law.

If a member of Parliament and a Honourable Minister of the Crown conspired to mislead the electoral monitoring body and circumvent electoral law, in order to hide the source of a donation from the public, legality is not the issue. John Key isn't deciding whether to throw him in jail, but whether he wants this guy as a minister. Is the bar really set so low that deliberately misleading election officials and the public, and explicitly disregarding the spirit of the law is fine, as long as it's not technically illegal?

And is the bar for accountability so low, and we're so desensitised to Winstonness, that Banks can meaninglessly chant "I can't recall" - as in "I can't recall" that time I got helicoptered out to the Crisco mansion where I met an obese Bond villain who offered me $50,000 - and we have to accept them as actual words with meaning coming out of his mouth, as if he actually answered a question? He might as well be saying "I know you fudged electoral law, but what am I?".

Only in Punditville could we describe this as political discourse, or actual communication between human beings. Out in the real world, "FUCKING RIDICULOUS" would be considered an accurate and comprehensive description.

Clark faced the same choice with Peters in 2008. Her position then was every bit as BS as Key's is today. I'm pretty sure she knew she was doing something shitty - but she was desperate to stay in power and Peters had 7 seats - so she held her nose and did it anyway. What's Key's excuse? The only thing at stake here is the illiberal conservative leader of a libertarian party that has gnawed itself down to the bone, and the leader himself is only there because he was tube-fed an entire electorate by National, who got covered in Teapot vomit for their troubles.

The cost of ending this farce is pretty cheap. And Key doesn't even have to pay.

48

Some of My Best Friends are Consultants

One of the prevailing criticisms of the Government's Capping regime is that it forces departments to lay off staff, only to rehire them as consultants (and after paying out their redundency). 

But is it true?

The most comprehensive source of information we have on the state sector comes from the State Services Commission's Human Resource Capability survey. It's a wealth of information – except it doesn't cover casual contractors or consultants. 

A Cabinet paper in April 2010 offered a tantilising glimpse. Somewhere in the bowels of Treasury, somebody managed to compile this:

  

It showed that, one year after the cap was put in place, personnel expenditure slowed and “the capping policy [did] not led to any increase in consultant expenditure”. 

That was the only time this data has appeared. Subsequent Cabinet papers never used this data again. So I OIAed it and made a spreadsheet. 

This here is the money shot (or lack thereof). Changes to staff numbers (EFTS from the HRC) are plotted horizontally and changes to consulting expenditure are plotted vertically. If departments are replacing staff with contractors, then the results should clustered around the top left quadrant. They are not.

 

(You can explore the data yourself here. The second-to-last sheet has the Motion Chart shown above. I can't be bothered figuring out how to make the embeded links work in this CMS.)

Based on this data, there is no obvious replacement going on. Except there are gaps in the data, missing departments like Education, MED, DoC, TPK and NZTA. A few months back, Max Rashbrooke OIAed individual departments to try to get the same numbers and arrived at a sum of $375m a year spent on consultants (compared with $189m in these Treasury numbers).

The missing departments probably account for most of this gap, and there's probably some definitional issues... hey, wait a goddamn minute! That's massive! These are not obscure, tiny departments: They make up 30% of “Core Government Adminisration” expenditure.

So, let me get this straight.

Back in 2010, looking at consultant expenditure was considered important to measuring the success of the Capping regime. Despite not having 30% of the data, they considered it proof that the Capping regime wasn't affecting consulting expenditure. Having declared that it was okay for that one year, they stopped measuring the the regime against this data, even though it was still being compiled by Treasury.

Unless someone's hiding some data from my OIA, I think it's fair to say that the government (this Government and the ones before it) actually has no idea how much money is being spent on consultants. If it did, why would Cabinet be justifying their decisions with such shitty data?

I don't really understand how it can be this hard to collect this information, or how it can *not* be a priority to collect this information, especially for a Government that's trying to rein in public spending.

Disclaimer: Some of my best friends are consultants. Actually, I guess I'm a consultant as well. Oops.

Dear Journalists,

Feel free to use this spreadsheet. A few things that you might find interesting:

  • MAF spending on consultants tripled from $4.2m in 2008 to $12.6m in 2011. *coughmergercough* *coughchangemangementconsultantsspewcough*
  • Housing NZ consultants expenditure doubled from $10.8m in 2008 to $20.6 in 2011.
  • Biggest spender on consultants in the last 3 years was Environment, totalling $58.7m.

Scans of the OIAed documents are here: Page 1Page 2Page 3.

33

SECRET MILITARY LULZ

So, I'm not sure about this story. If this group was really on an "international hunt for military secrets", why on earth would they tell everyone about it? More to the point, why would they send out prank emails from McCully's account in the first place?

Wouldn't it have made more sense to sit on this account which they have already compromised and continue to grab information from it? It's unlikely anyone would audit access to an Xtra account - they could have sat on it indefinitely. Hell, they could have set up a mail auto forward and I doubt McCully would've noticed.

Imagine that scene in Mission Impossible, where Tom Cruise sneaks into the CIA mainframe. Imagine if he then takes a dump on the desk. This is kinda like that. Contextually hilarious, but clearly not the behaviour of anyone who's actually trying to steal secrets.

So, here are the emails, put up by @TheComradez (not a Twitter account):

http://pastebin.com/qa4ikbpu

Obviously, I did not put them there. I simply found them after 15 minutes of Googling. Anyone who is paid to look for this stuff would have found it already, so I don't see any point in not linking to them. Also, none of it is classified anyway.

Sorry about the phone numbers, but hey - public interest.

My favourite part of the exchange would have to be when "J" tells McCully:

When you talk next to JA [MFAT Chief Executive John Allen] you could ask:

  1. why do NZDF, NZTE and MFAT run completely different ICT systems offshore?"
  2. Why does MFAT own its entire ICT platform?.is it an IT company?
  3. What % of MFAT's communications are rated confidential or above?  ???.all messages shared with me were over classified.
  1. When GCSB sets the security rules how does it take into account the operational/transactional costs for the affected organisations?
  2. I saw evidence of mindless wasteful  admin crap from wellington and am in no doubt insufficient financial delegation is given to HOM's???JA does not have the system humming as I expect he would have had.

I assume JA will have a pretty good answer for those first four questions now.

J's full name and email were redacted from the email. Which begs the question: Why would a Russian hacker redact the identity of someone who's on pretty chummy terms with McCully? "J" seems like a Kiwi, is obviously very close to the action, but surely, no career diplomat writes that badly, right? The remaining list of names must be pretty short.

[UPDATE: Popular theory (2 out of 2) so far is that "J" is John Hayes. I really can't see any reason to redact his name. Maybe they're just fucking with us?]

I'm sure MFAT staff will find it very interesting who McCully gets his advice from. Would be nice if you could let me know. Safest way would be to email me through the PA website (the "Email" button below), but don't do it at work, and use Tor or a VPN first. If you don't know how to do this, just go to an internet cafe.

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Another interesting breadcrumb is this.

3 days prior this story, someone - presumably the same person - posted parts of the emails online. Was it a show of "I've got the goods"? Were the emails posted elsewhere, and "Comradez" simply got them second-hand?

Wild conspiracy theories welcomed.

Also, this is relevant (from SMBC):

139

Association of Community Retailers. Again.

In May 2010, Rory McKinnon and I broke the story that Glenn Inwood, a lobbyist for Japanese whaling, was running an astroturfing campaign for Imperial Tobacco in New Zealand. Inwood operated a group called the Association of Community Retailers, which claimed to represent small retailers, but was in fact bankrolled by Big Tobacco to fight tobacco regulation and taxes (among, ominously, other things).

Imperial Tobacco admitted to a Select Committee that they paid Inwood to do this, and this fact was widely reported.

We were mightily pleased with ourselves.

But the ACR continued to put out press releases as if nothing had happened. I thought Glenn Inwood was just doing it to save face. I mean, why would you continue to spend money on an organisation which was thoroughly exposed as a fake? It's not like our journalistic establishment would just *forget* that the press release supposedly from Murray of Murray's Barbershop and Beauty Salon in Timaru is actually from a professional PR company paid for by Big Tobacco.

Um, right? Guys?

Since our original story (and excluding those original stories on Inwood and Imperial Tobacco's admission), 36 stories were published in mainstream media which mentioned the ACR or one of its spokespersons.

8 of these were credited to NZPA. After writing about Imperial Tobacco's admission, they forgot about it a month later and started doing copy-paste jobs with ACR press releases. And when they didn't do copy-paste jobs, it was even worse. In this story, they took the ACR press release and went back to ACR for more comment so they could flesh out a 400-word story with no opposing voice, and no mention of ACR's backers.

Then, in September 2010, news broke that Australian Big Tobacco spent $6m on an astroturfing group called the Alliance of Australian Retailers. This reminded NZPA that the same thing happened here. The wording they used in that story was:

[the ACR] was also revealed to have received support from the tobacco industry.

On 3 November, it was watered down to:

The ACR has faced accusations of being a front for tobacco companies. It has said no tobacco company has a say in its public and political strategy of the ACR.

On 4 November:

There has been speculation about links between the ACR and the tobacco industry.

And then they were simply "retailers".

The confession became revelation, then accusation, then speculation, then nothing. The fact that Imperial Tobacco said they paid a PR company to run this group simply faded from NZPA's institutional memory and ceased to be fact. Though to be fair to the late NZPA, no other organisation even mentioned the Imperial Tobacco/Inwood link since the original story.

And that was the last time the Imperial Tobacco/Inwood link was mentioned. There's been 18 stories about the ACR since 4 November. For all intents and purposes, the ACR was once again a genuine grassroots group of community retailers.

Radio New Zealand needs to cop some flak too. Their bulletins desk also churned out 8 stories on the ACR during this period, 3 of them lifted straight out of ACR's press releases. (3 November 2010, 4 November 2010, 14 July 2011. These were RNZ Newswire stories, which are not available online.) Their saving grace was that they were short.

The most dishonourable mention goes to the Timaru Herald, which ran 6 ACR stories during this time. It's no coincidence that one of the ACR's founders, Murray Gibson, is based in Timaru. Gibson is often quoted in the Timaru Herald as a local tobacconist, even as he recites his ACR lines. It's not like they didn't know: They ran a story which was a lengthly denial from Gibson about the Imperial Tobacco links, after Imperial Tobacco's admissions.

It seems that the Timaru Herald made a conscious decision that Gibson and the ACR were okay; that Imperial Tobacco only paid Inwood to provide "support" and ACR was really an independent group representing retailers.

Seriously?

Inwood's firm is a PR firm. It's just not plausible that the "support" Imperial Tobacco is paying for is anything *but* PR. (Though Inwood does provide some literally above-and-beyond premium services.)

It's not plausible that this steady stream of press releases is written by someone who doesn't do it for a living. It's not plausible that Richard Green, Murray Gibson, Ashok Darji and Dipal Desai all have perfect grammar, write to 400-word word-limits in 50-word paragraphs, quote themselves in news style, and use the Oxford comma.

The words that comes out of the ACR are clearly written by a PR firm paid for by a tobacco company, for the purposes of fighting tobacco control laws for the benefit of that tobacco company.

To report their words as "retailers say" is fundamentally a lie.

It's not a coincidence that, just like in the rest of the world, the ACR main messages are that "tobacco control won't stop smoking" and "tobacco taxes = organised crime". It all comes from the same playbook.

And it's not a coincidence that they just happen to be in small towns. Using small town shopowners is a deliberate strategy that's been used in the UK, Australia and America. It allows them to easily build relationships with soft local media, which sets them up as good 'talent', which then allows them to go on national media (like TVNZ's Breakfast) as good honest country folk.

But TVNZ, if it makes you feel any better, the *BBC* does it too. Here is Debbie, talking to BBC Business about her tobacconist shop in Whitstable, a seaside town in Northeast Kent. Here is her Twitter feed, where she is self-described as:

Owner and manager of an independent family-owned shop. As well as running the business with my brother I campaign on small business-related issues.

And this is the homepage for the UK Tobacco Retailers Alliance. Look on the left, just below their Youtube channel. Debbie's Twitter feed *is* the TRA feed. She is basically TRA's avatar - and she has some serious PR juice. And who is TRA? No prizes for guessing:

The Tobacco Retailers Alliance is funded by the Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association (TMA) which means we can offer a free membership to all independent retailers who sell tobacco, and we campaign on issues of relevance to both their businesses and to the industry.

Unlike the ACR, they're pretty transparent about being wholly funded by Big Tobacco. Yet, even the BBC didn't bother to Google her name, or they made a decision similar to the Timaru Herald's.

The story was about the black market for tobacco - an issue that Big Tobacco push hard on. It's in their interest because a) smuggled cigarettes are a direct competition, b) it allows politicians to "do something" about tobacco, without hurting their profits, c) it lets them set up the story as organised-crime smugglers vs responsible corporate tobacco - and lets them be the good guy for once.

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When I first did this story, I was caught up with the subterfuge aspect (which, being honest, was way more fun than counting news clippings). We only had the story because Inwood used his own PO box for the ACR. Without it, they could tell whatever lies they wanted, and we couldn't have known - let alone prove - anything.

It seemed like quite a problem, the idea that so much of our news comes from groups which could be hiding all kinds of interests and agendas.

Turns out, the problem isn't "what are they hiding?", but "does anyone give a shit?".

What this has shown is that even when the agenda is Big Tobacco's, even when the connection is the second result on a Google search, even when their own organisation has reported on it, even when it's stated plainly on their website, even then, the PR industry can get their stories printed with no scrutiny.

It's a complete and utter rout.

You know, some of my best friends are journalists. And I like to think that they are the better ones. They always complain that they're under pressure and under-resourced, and that this sort of shit slips through the cracks.

I'm sure it's true, but here we are, at the point where our biggest news organisations run stories without spending 10 seconds on a Google search, or asking if something makes any goddamn sense.

If Richard Green says new laws will cost him $10k for shelves, they run it. If Richard Green says new laws will cost him $27k for shelves, they run it (RNZ newswire, 14 July 2011).

SHELVES.

How many of the facts reported in our media are this dodgy? And if there is so much that we can't trust - and we can't distinguish between what can and cannot be trusted - at what point should we simply give up?

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Man, this post took a LOT of work. If you think this sort of work is useful and valuable, please consider funding it. I've started a Givealittle page for the purpose.

966

Dear Labour Caucus

This isn't a test of the Davids. This is a test of you.

Let's face it, if Cunliffe didn't offer his supporters portfolios and positions, there wouldn't even be a contest. That's why this contest isn't about him - it's about the Labour caucus and the Labour Party, and whether it'll ever be able to rid itself of the entrenched interests of patronage and machine politics.

This is not new. Labour has been rewarding time-servers and party hacks over actual talent for as long as I can remember. The party list was the obvious focus of that, because that was main interface between the political machine which got people elected - the party - and the parliamentarians, and because during Helen's era, she dominated the caucus and so the horse-trading there were low-key affairs.

The problems at the list level and the caucus level aren't exactly the same, but they are deeply intertwined. They have the same basic cause: The system rewards self-promotion and factionalism (which is self-promotion + block voting). Those who gained their positions through that system then perpetuate it. And they have the same effect: The party and the caucus are stacked with time-servers and party hacks.

Although I'm an unabashed fan of Shearer, I didn't think of myself as anti-Cunliffe per se. But his leadership bid has come to embody the very things which have poisoned Labour.

Yeah, sure, Cunliffe is prepared for the leadership role right now. That's because he's been doing nothing but prepare himself for the leadership role for years. Where the hell was he - the Finance Spokesperson - when Goff was getting grilled over Labour's fiscals? It was his job to have the answer to those questions. I'm not sure if it was by design, or whether he was simply too busy campaigning for the leadership, but he wasn't there.

On election night, when Parker and Shearer quietly joined the grim gathering at Mt Albert, Cunliffe sent an advance fluffing party to the event. They loittered by the carpark, and when Cunliffe arrived, they - on cue - adoringly mobbed his car to create a set-piece for the gathered journalists.

There are a few questions that arise. The first and most salient is: Who the fuck *does* that? When Labour talks about re-engaging with New Zealand, is *this* what this mean? When Cunliffe's supporters talk about him being a great communicator and a master of "modern direct engagement methods", is this what they mean? Do they think people can't tell the difference between authentic engagement and lame political theatre? Can Labour?

And this is the punchline, dear Labour Caucus. If Labour is led by someone who has been tirelessly campaigning for himself at the expense of the party - if its frontbench is stacked with people who earned their positions purely as payment for someone else's political ambitions, in order to advance their own political ambitions - you can't expect it to be a party of talent, you can't expect it to be a party of values or integrity, and you can't expect anyone to believe in it.